By Charles D. Ellison
It was just under a year ago when I had the opportunity to interview former Congressman Artur Davis in what was described at the time as a “candid” one-on-one about his political past, present and future. It was December 2011, and the once rising star Alabama gubernatorial candidate was flowing a bit hot over grapevine whispers about a planned party switch.
“When people say that, they mean it to be some kind of a smear, or some kind of attack. I don’t believe in that kind of politics,” Davis snapped, a noticeable spark of irritation that someone would even ask or hint that he’d go Republican.
What a difference eight months can make. Somewhere along the line, Davis got the deal he wanted or felt comfortable enough to go public with his new age Black Republicanism. However, this is by no means a “sell out” move. Nor is Davis staging a one-man “Uncle Tom” show as many a stale Black commentator has suggested in recent days. This is, instead, a very shrewd (if clumsy attempt) at political revenge and relevance.
Davis, frantically scraping for limelight under the shadow of his very outdated high top fade haircut, must feed the lurking fire in his belly. If anything, his demise in Alabama politics and present rise among Republican rank-and-file is a cautionary tale of what happens to Black politicos who spurn the first Black president. They are relegated to the fringes – see Tavis Smiley and Cornel West for more reference. Or, they find themselves begging for crumbs of forgiveness – see Newark Mayor Corey Booker.
Davis didn’t want to go out like that, despite the lingering sting of his embarrassing 2010 Democratic primary loss to Alabama Agriculture Commissioner Ron Sparks. That’s what this is really about. He was supposed to be Alabama’s first Black governor, actively styling his campaign after President Barack Obama’s historic 2008 win. In a state nearly 30% African American, Davis expected an easy path to the nomination. Instead, he ended up with an embarrassing 62% to 38% loss to Sparks as Alabama’s Black political machine put their chips on the White guy, refusing to forgive Davis for his vote against a popular Obama health care reform bill and fed up with the Congressman’s contrarian center-right positions. The former 2008 Obama campaign co-chair didn’t even get support from his hero president, and the Congressional Black Caucus, usually known for backing its members, barely made an effort for Davis. As quickly as Sparks rocked him, Davis fell hard and fast into an open coffin laying only yards behind him in the political graveyard.
The problem today is that Davis never forgave Black Alabama for that, much less Black people and Black politicians in general. It was similar to the resentment former Republican Party chair Michael Steele felt when he lost his 2006 U.S. Senate bid in Maryland, only garnering 25% of the vote in the critical majority Black enclave of Prince George’s County: his home. Like Steele in Maryland, Davis put Alabama way behind in his rearview mirror, going so far as to physically relocate to Virginia. And even as he pitched principled platitudes about a Democratic Party that had veered too far left, there he was tapping Democratic strategist Mo Elleithee for advice on running again as a Democrat in Northern Virginia. Elleithee later clowned Davis on Twitter: “Amused by @ArturDavis‘ political transformation, considering just a few months ago he called for advice on running in VA as a Democrat.”
Davis once fashioned himself as some sort of centrist savior of the Democratic Party. Now, he half-heartedly canvasses battleground states on behalf of the Romney/Ryan ticket. He’s prepping for a Republican National Convention appearance, a roll-out as the GOP’s “diverse” flavor of the month, for whatever that’s worth. In that role, he may end up belonging to more than a crack squad of Black conservatives and GOP activists who barely stand out like sprinkled chocolate chips in a sea of vanilla.
A recent Washington Post profile on his sudden Republican epiphany described the Davis conversion as “a remarkable leap out of his political grave.” The Congressman, perhaps unfamiliar with racial dynamics in the Republican Party, seemed smitten with the attention. “You have a converted sinner who’s standing in front of you right now, and I thank you for letting me stand here,” was Davis acting out his inner-preacher before a largely White and very old Northern Virginia tea party group in July. The religious exhortations were quite striking, a subtle nod to a stubborn evangelical wing that won’t go away. “I used to go to the Baptist church. They won’t let nobody preach on week one, or month one, like y’all will.”
Snagging an opportunity like Davis has been a tough ask for Republicans, and the mainstream Black political establishment – overwhelmingly Democratic – shows no signs of buckling anytime soon. For most White Republicans, it’s their moment to poke Democrats in the eye. Overnight, Davis went from curmudgeon Congressman with no political future to conservative sensation. GOP standard-bearer Mitt Romney eagerly offers him a prime speaking slot at the RNC. That’s a big deal considering Sarah Palin didn’t even get a call back. So, the flame of Democratic “Benedict Arnold” is passed on to Davis, from former Georgia Senator Zell Miller in 2004 to sitting independent Connecticut Senator and former Vice Presidential nominee Joseph Lieberman. Black Republicans see it differently, though, privately fuming at the fact they’ve been around much longer and never got the attention that was only a call away for Davis.
But being a former Democratic Congressman, gubernatorial candidate and headlining Black party “turncoat” will get you to the front line of a GOP desperately searching for like-minded African American politicians. Davis knows this, but plays innocent in the same fashion he claimed he didn’t “have any plans to run for office” during our brief interview. He knows the Democratic Party is saturated with ambitious Black politicos, many thinking they will be the next “Obama” and most subscribing to the usual brand of progressive coalition politics even if some don’t even believe in it. He knows he’ll stand out. The kid on the playground snubbed by the popular kids finds comfort in the arms of scheming geeks rubbing their hands for payback.
Davis’ political history suggests he’s an obstinate brawler, the defeated boxer in the ring who didn’t hear the last count. That’s a good quality to have considering the position he’s in. Switching parties is rather creative, and it sheds light on the need for more independent Black political thinking. But, with this Republican Party, he may not know what’s in store for him.
CHARLES D. ELLISON is a political strategist and widely known expert on politics, campaigns, crisis communications and media based in Washington, D.C. He is a Washington Correspondent for The Philadelphia Tribune and Host of “Showdown 2012” on SiriusXM satellite radio POTUS Channel 124 every Thursday 7-9pm ET. He can be reached on Twitter @charlesdellison.
